The Digital Revolution for 1984?
Ajeet Singh Matharu (left) facilitating a class at Jakara 2009
Two years ago, I attended the 2009 Jakara Youth Conference with my wife, Sona Charaipotra, where the theme was “1984: Reflect. Respond. React.” Jakara has managed to do what many Sikh organizations, camps, and Gurdwaras have failed to do: to bring together Sikh youth of all backgrounds, to engage them in intellectual discussion of things relating to Sikhism, and to foster the spirit of activism. Part of the strategy for 2009′s conference (I haven’t attended any others) was active participation, rather than just lectures (which played an important role). The focus was on discussion and analysis. And the brains behind this great pedagogical method was Ajeet Singh Matharu, who designed all of the lesson plans and trained the faciliators. (He was Sona’s group facilitator.)
On the last day of the conference, a speaker at one of the panel discussions said something ending with the words, “in 2084,” which drew chuckles from the audience. He quickly clarified that he hadn’t meant it as a joke. The implication was clear: how will 1984 be remembered once all of the eyewitnesses, villains, and perceived heroes have gone, and all we’re left with are “facts,” censored news footage, a few sentimental movies, and a handful of books of questionable authority? What will our generation and the generations after us have contributed towards the memory of 1984? It is June 8 today, and the observance of the memory of Operation Bluestar has ended. Now what? There is a lot of talk about never forgetting, and about justice, but at this point, what exactly does that mean? What is it we are trying not to forget? And what does “justice” mean? What will that word mean in another 25 years? In 50 years? In 100?
Jodha recently wrote a post titled, “Update: #Neverforget84,” encouraging participation in a Twitter movement to spread awareness of “the events that unfolded during Operation Bluestar in 1984.” The concept is simple: instead of updating everyone on Twitter about how much pie you’re eating or your precise location every ten minutes, use the hash tag #Neverforget84 on your updates to create awareness of Operation Bluestar.
The idea for this mini-movement is based on the revolution that took place in Egypt, where marches and protests were all organized through Twitter updates by a single mother and a handful of helpers. While I think this is a great stepping stone, I would really like to see this mini-movement go beyond a few days in June, or a few days in November, and become a full-fledged movement. In the last few days, there were 25,000-35,000 Sikhs who showed up to a Rememberance March in London alone. For the past 30 years(!) the Yuba City Nagar Kirtan has drawn tens of thousands of people every autumn, and Yuba City’s Sikh Day Parade drew a whopping 70,000 people last year. There are 27 million Sikhs worldwide. Imagine the possibilities if even 5% of them had a Twitter/Facebook account and were even mildly engaged in a systematic movement.
There was a comment on Jodha’s post, “Update: #Neverforget84,” that I found interesting, although it was a bit obnoxious and not very eloquently written. The gist of it was that Sikhs in India have “moved on,” and it’s only Sikhs outside of India that really care about the events of 1984. I don’t think it’s that they have moved on, but I do think there has been an active effort to try to forget, especially when they’ve seen several commissions outdo each other on incompetence and deliberate misuse of power. When I first told a cousin of mine that I was researching 1984 for a novel I’m working on, his immediate response was “you N.R.I.s all live in a time warp.” It was a bit off-putting, and I initially tried to argue that this wasn’t true about me, but I quickly realized he was right. All of my research, and indeed the story I had in my head, was set in an India that didn’t resonate with many Indians still living in the country today. An India where the jean-pent was the most coveted item from America, Doordarshan was the only television station, and the events of 1947 and 1984 were a fresh injury.
An example he gave to drive home his point was with the widow colony on the outskirts of Delhi. According to him, whenever “N.R.I.s” visit the widow colony via private car, they all ask the same tired questions of the widows. “What happened in 1984? What should the government do to help you today?” For the millionth time, the widows narrate how their husbands were slaughtered in front of them, and how difficult it was raising their children by themselves without family or government support. But nobody ever asks about their children, now in their late 20s and early 30s, many addicted to drugs, many involved in prostitution. His point was that we “N.R.I.s” are ignoring the after-effects of 1984, the ethos of a more modern and “progressive” India and Indians, solely concerning ourselves with rehashing facts that an entire generation is fully aware of.
I see his point and think 1984 framed in a modern context within India and outside of it should be addressed, but not at the expense of ignoring history. On a sidenote, the Gujarat “riots” took place under the watch of this reputedly more progressive and modern India, complete with video clips, 24-hour news footage, and an undercover investigation with damning evidence through hidden and overt video cameras. The result? Exactly the same as 1984: absolutely no repercussions for the guilty. The perpetrators were never brought to justice and a commission was propped up, who found — lo and behold — that nobody was guilty. But don’t worry, another commission is being set up as we speak. There are many Sikhs who know bits and pieces of what took place in 1984, but not what the movement was all about, or even what took place before 1984, and thus, they have reduced it to a Hindu versus Sikh situation. There are also those who believe the Delhi pogroms were riots where emotion simply spilled into violence that the government, police, and Army just couldn’t control until Day Three. And then there are those who are completely clueless. Yep. Even in India.
What I found truly impressive about the revolution that took place in Egypt was how it unified every single person in that country, regardless of the clothing they wore, how religious they were, the type of Islam they practiced, their political backgrounds, and even if they belonged to a different religion altogether. They all unified as Egyptians and had a tangible goal that would affect all of them.
So my questions for you to think about are not easy. They are questions I don’t have an answer for myself.
Organizations like Jakara and Saanjh have managed to unify North American Sikh youth and young professionals, who willing attend the conference/retreat and have merged short-term activism with awareness and/or analysis of issues affecting the Sikh quam. But can this be translated to a digital revolution of sorts? Can a digital revolution even take place that combines two ideologies: creating awareness through dissemination of information (facts, stats, etc) and also engaging in some form of activism with a forseable goal?
12 Responses to “The Digital Revolution for 1984?”
Leave a Reply
[...] [...]
Interesting questions and analysis Navdeep.
A few minor points of quibble, before I attempt a shot at some of your questions.
On one point in reference to your cousin, you wrote about the the "more modern and “progressive” India and Indians". Greater access to commodities (more than just the jean-pent and more television channels) do not seem to me to make modernity. I don't quite know what 'modernity' means and generally hate the term, but supposedly we live in a 'modern' world compared to a 'traditional' past. Although I think every generation tends to think this. Still I think your cousin's point is taken about merely re-hashing things.
With regards to your feeling 'impressed' by the Egyptian revolution, I think you will find parallel with the post-1984 scenario. Sikhs of all stripes – religious and not – of all political backgrounds (Army officers, even Khushwant Singh returned their government medals) of all locations (Panjab, UK, US, Canada, etc.) were all completely united. Even in the immediate assembly of the Sarbat Khalsa and the call for Khalistan united most Sikhs. That feeling didn't last as the actual movement had its own abuses, people were worried about their day-to-day living situation and were willing to have stability despite brutal Indian army and Punjab Police abuse, and just the absolute destruction of thousands of families (sometimes every member.)
As for what would 'justice' look like – to me – prosecution of the guilty in Delhi and those state-commissioned officers that engaged in the worst killings (KPS Gill et al.). The Indian Government cannot do this, as you rightly pointed out Gujarat in 2002, and other abuses too. My recommendation – the ICC.
http://thelangarhall.com/sikhi/the-icc-the-sikhs-…
FInally as to a 'digital revolution', I, like Malcolm Gladwell think that digital technology is merely a tool.
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/10/04/101…
Digital technologies can aid in the distribution of content and information, but in and of themselves not a revolution do they make. Revolutions require people standing up for their dignity and willing to take a stand for a brighter tomorrow.
Jodha,
Great response!
I was quoting my cousin when I used the phrase "more modern and progressive India." I've also heard it referred to as "advanced," as in "Ambersare diyan kudiyan Amreeka naalon jaada advanced hogay." Sometimes it's said in sarcasm, and other times they are frighteningly serious. And many people, including my cousin, do believe that having greater access to commodities, including designer brands and television channels are the hallmarks of a more civilized, and "modern" country. I agree that this is a ridiculous notion. But those are the words he and many Indians use to describe their changing value system and image of their country. I don't know the exact definition of the word "modernity" in the Indian sense, but it goes beyond just tradition and does involve changing generational mores as well. I don't have such strong feelings against the word either way, but the random placement of the word "only" drives me bonkers.
I do have a bit of a quibble of my own with the assertion that there was ever any unity amongst Sikhs post-Bluestar. There were many Army officers who deserted their posts in protest, but there were many who stayed because they thought Bhindranwale was an evil man and needed to stopped. Many felt he shouldn't have been holed up in the Harminder Sahib. There are obviously many many loopholes in this logic, but many people still believe this line of reasoning. Other Sikh officers called these deserters "dharmic fauji" implying they were ruled by emotion. And if you notice footage of Bluestar, there are plenty of Sikh Army Officers present.
Khushwant Singh did return the Padma Bhushan award out of protest, but I think he kindof had to. He was already viewed as Indira ka chumcha by going out of his way to support everything she and Sanjay did, from Emergency to forced sterilizations, to being against the Akalis and villifying Bhindranwale on this basis alone.
He would have completely alienated himself from the Sikh community if he hadn't made some kind of grand gesture. He did not, incidentally, give up his membership to the Raiya Sabha, the upper house of Indian parliament, and has consistently agreed with the government's version of events, even penning a chapter in the government's "official" Operation Bluestar book with a foreward by K.P.S. Gill. Apparently, it's a "bestseller," so you know it must be good.
I loved the link two links you sent.
I agree that digital technologies are just a tool and that the main impetus needs to come from within a community, who want to see real change. Sikhs have never shied away from attending parades, or holding signs, and I think the use of digital technology will add another dimension to this activism, and also draw the crowds that come to the Gurdwara once a month for the free food and cha. There have been minor victories that involved tiny revolutions, such as getting Jagjit Tytler dropped from Congress. But no amount of twittering is going to land a conviction, but at the very least, it can start a real movement. It's interesting that some revolutions might not have even taken place had it not been for twitter.
1 of 2
Dear Navdeep – this is always fun my comrade!
Aah, it was his quote! Makes sense; most of my cousins say the same. They once tried to show me how modern they were by taking me to Domino's Pizza in Jalandhar. I told them I never eat there in the US, why would I ever want to eat there in Punjab? I think the irony may have been lost.
I think your expectations of 100% non-compliance by military soldiers of all people to be representative of unity is way too high. I don't think that has ever been the case in modern history. It was the Egyptian generals that did not allow slaughter on the streets, not the soldiers. I think it speaks volumes that in no period since 1857 (in nearly 150 years) of the modern Indian army have you ever had a regiment mutiny. In 1984, you had numerous ones. One story that was shared to me in California was a fascinating story about the Mazhbi Sikh units. Indira Gandhi had specifically wanted the Mazhbi Sikh units to lead the attack in 1984 as they were hoping to play amongst Jatt-Mazhbi divides and rivalry. The soldiers refused and were court-martialed. I spoke in depth with a soldier that was there and lost his pension. He told me in depth how he hated Bhindranwale, but how he could not fire upon the Akal Takht. There story is still largely untold.
Army officials by and large follow commands. It is rare for any to break ranks, especially due to an 'domestic' issue that was not going to lead to a civil war. The fact that an unprecedented group did and it has never occurred since is a point I cannot repeat enough. There was widespread Sikh unity. Look at the videos of the people that converged at Darbar Sahib in 1986. Now remember Punjab was completely under curfew, nearly every road had a police nakha, and the people that were coming knew that there chances of being murdered was very high. And still look at their numbers. It is unimaginable.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xNWniYv430Q&fe…
I am not claiming that every Sikh agreed with Jarnail Singh's position before 1984, although it was especially popular amongst the rural Sikh masses – also remember those that are generally the mouth-pieces of any community tend to be the educated, urban, elites. Most Sikhs saw Bhindrwanwale as a shining prince of their masculine dignity (very similar to how Malcolm X is perceived amongst the African-American community, despite the fact that not all African-Americans have ever agreed with all of Malcolm's positions or even became Black Muslims). After 1984, many Hindutva-ites taunted Sikhs about Bhindranwale's death for this very reason. It was seen as an affront to Sikh dignity and pride.
The problem (and this is always a historical problem) people's remembrances and interpretations have changed about the immediate post-1984 due to the widespread indiscriminate violence of the early 1990s. Even the militancy period had different phases and differing levels of support. Because people's memories of the early 1990s and the lawlessness; people go back and read that into the 1984 period. It was a different time and they should be treated differently, when we are attempting analysis.
1 of 2
Hi Jodha,
It’s always good fun and often very insightful to have a discussion with someone who actually knows their stuff! You’ve raised some excellent points.
You are right about the unprecedented mutiny of entire regiments that took place specifically in 1984 in reaction to Bluestar. The Sikhs have always been fighters, taken great pride in being military men, and have been (and still are) an integral part of the Indian Armed Forces, so the fact that there were many regiments that mutinied is a very symbolic gesture. In 1947, there was unity under the word “Indian” even though there were plenty of Indians who were in cahoots with the British. Similarly, in 1984, I agree there was a uniform solidarity of outrage against the government for attacking the Golden Temple, and attacking it on the day that it did. In Operation Black Thunder that took place in the 1990s, the government cut off the water supply and within a day or two, the whole thing was over. So, Operation Bluestar seems to have been a deliberate attempt at showing might.
I’ve never heard about the Mazhbi aspect of Bluestar. That is really interesting, especially since the soldier you spoke with had hatred towards Bhindranwale. Are there any articles or books available on the subject that you recommend?
After a second read, I see your point about overall unity, and the “even Khushwant Singh” bit makes more sense to me now, despite my irritation with the man. More on that later. Like the reaction to the British abuse of power in 1947, I agree that there was overall unity in the Sikh reaction to Bluestar, not only in Punjab (an excellent video clip by the way, which I’ve bookmarked and will watch again), but the world over. For a few moments after 9/11, there was a calm where democrats and republicans stopped their bickering. In 1947 an entire nation came together. And in 1984 an entire people reacted in unison.
Delhi Sikhs and Sikhs in cities like Chandigarh to a lesser degree have a very different value system than Sikhs from rural Punjab. Part of it is certainly the rural roots, the link with farming, water rights, etc, but it’s also that Delhi Sikhs belong to a different culture that they are trying to integrate into, and their children are already of that culture. Unity in this sense, was that Delhi Sikhs went out of their way to convey how horrible Bhindranwale was to show how they were nice Sikhs and presented no threat. It was those backwards violent extremist Khalistani Sikhs that supported him. And within rural Punjab, he had a lot of following.
A lot of the City folk and people who weren’t supporters of Bhindranwale changed their tune after 1982 when turbaned Sikhs weren’t allowed into Delhi for the Asian Games because Indira Gandhi was afraid they would embarrass her in front of the foreign press. That was when ex military officers made the rag tag army into a sophisticated military-style organization with a proper hierarchy.
After Bhindranwale’s death, the freedom movement became one of terror, where people joined the movement to settle scores, used their new found power to blackmail civilians. So the aam admi was put right in the middle. On one side, there were the terrorists, and on the other side, there was Punjab Police. If Punjab Police came knocking on your door demanding money or they would torture a member of the family, as soon as it was paid, the terrorists would come the next day with the same proposition. I have also found that there is an immense amount of oversimplification of 1984 as if it was all one big movement.
The relationship African-Americans have with Malcolm X and Sikhs have with Bhindranwale is a very apt comparison.
Whenever there is a Sikh Parade, a Nagar Kirtan, or the Remembrance parade you posted about, nobody thinks about the mainly self-imposed subcategories of Sikh one has come to identify with (Jatt, Rajput, Amritdhari, Sahajdhari, Mona, White Sikh . . . ). They just go because fundamentally, they are Sikh. The same way Sikhs across the world reacted to BlueStar and the Delhi pogroms. So the point of my post is on translating this to a more focused goal. Rather than have 35,000 Sikhs show up with banners, and a tiny number of Sikhs trying to get a law enacted recognizing 1984 an official genocide, why not attempt to organize using "digital technology" for numbers equivalent to what we have at these events?
@navdeep – some quick points:
pt. taken about khushwant singh and his probable 'lack of hardship' – i could care less for him, so haha he is not one i wish to bother defending
on the mazbhi sikh story – i don't know if there is a book. if there is, it would only be in punjabi. some of the most interesting political writings today and cutting edge political art in punjab today is that of the mazbhi sikhs.
on the delhi sikhs – also just a caution about generalization since you are largely describing the elites of delhi. although they suffered as well, the brunt of the pograms in november were faced by working class and lower class sikhs. despite the high levels of drug addition and other issues as you rightly highlighted, this group is very anti-state. after november, many sikhs in delhi of this class were also ready to take arms. many were resettled in mohali (now Sahibzada Ajeet Singh Nagar, outside of Gurdwara Amb Sahib as petty shop keepers). this was a PRIME recruiting ground for militant groups. so as is usually the case, even us Sikhs from Punjab should be careful of pushing too hard on the divide between Delhi/Punjab, although to be fair I have been guilty of this many times as well.
on the 'terror' aspect – this was only largely after 1991-2. remember in 1989 in the parliamentary elections, a "third party" SWEPT Punjab winning the MP seats – showing their HUGE DEMOCRATIC support amongst the populace – Simranjit Singh Mann, Bimal Kaur Khalsa, Atinderpal Singh, etc. I mean can you imagine, especially as we are talking about Manpreet Badal as a third party – that the wife of Lee Harvy Oswald winning a LANDSLIDE as a third party candidate. This is what happened in 1989. Unfortunately Mann seems to have come to an agreement of collusion with the Government (this was repeated to me by a number of his own party workers – to be fair, i have never been tortured and have no idea what people may agree to do to stop that sort of physical pain) and made a bigger deal out of his kirpan size than about achieving justice. He then lost the goodwill of the people of Punjab.
If you want to really understand this period I STRONGLY urge you to look at Joyce Pettigrew's The Sikhs of the Punjab – by far the best book ever written on this period – the politics, successes, possibilities, and failings of the Sikhs.
I understand your point about the 'digital technology' but a 'official recognition' is not small. in fact it gives the indian government sleepless nights, just as it does for the turkish government and others as well.
Also – INTRIGUING point about Bhindranwale providing a powerful image of Sikh masculinity – not the drunk, not the lovable dimwit, nor the loyal jawan – and this scared the be-geezus out of many Hindus, but probably some Sikhs too that were not from Punjab.
ps: remember 'tomato sauce' wasn't really sauce, it was just 'ketchup'. haha, sorry to break it to you.
2 of 2
I think you are making too light of Khushwant Singh's symbolic actions. Khushwant Singh never 'had to', in fact it caused him great personal turmoil in the circles that he has always been attached. I agree that it was merely symbolic, but for most people it is easier to make 'symbolic actions' that don't threaten one's place or livelihood. Still he didn't have to. I don't think Sikhs have ever held him in high esteem – not ever before nor after. But that is the point, despite that, even HE felt he had to do something. That is remarkable.
He has always been closer to the Delhi political elites than the rural Punjab masses. He can never nor could never understand a man like Jarnail Singh, because they are cut from different materials. Jarnail Singh received his schooling in an educational system that up to that time was not reading European scholars. Jarnail Singh knew by heart Rattan Singh Bhangu and referenced Guru Panth Prakash all the time in his katha. He knew the dhadhi jatha and the vaar tradition. This is not the language of Khushwant Singh.
Despite all of the problems in our community – and there are many! – I can't ever sometimes smile at how tenacious we are. In the Guru's wisdom, we have individual liberties and not under the authority of a Pope, Aga Khan, or Baba. We bow only to the Guru Granth Sahib and the the Akaal Takht, not to any other. This has problems, for it is hard to coordinate large scale movements, because we have weak institutions and weak horizontal linkages. The youth, though, we are learning. And we are learning fast, just as our parents did! We are reading, learning from other communities, building institutions – the Jakara Movement, Sikh Activist Network, Saanjh, Sikh Coalition, United Sikhs, SALDEF, etc. etc..
Maybe it was rash, but we even got a petition calling the events of 1984 a 'genocide' discussed in the CANADIAN Parliament last summer! This just some 25 years after the events. Just to give you some notion, the movement of recognition for the Armenian Genocide did not gather steam until some 50 years after the events. The world is moving faster. We are learning quick (of course, I wish it was even quicker). So long as we keep on learning (the very meaning of the Guru's Sikh – sikhna) – then the future is ours!
2 of 2
It was exactly that: a symbolic gesture. It did show that there is unison in the immediate Sikh reaction, but if he truly was outraged by the government’s actions, he probably should have resigned from being a member of parliament. His livelihood was writing a column and being an editor. Being a member of parliament was a highly coveted position, but it wasn’t a job he needed in order to feed his family. To have given that up would have been a much greater gesture. To me, it’s the equivalent of him stomping his feet and saying, “Boy, Indian government, I am so furious with you. Here’s your stooped award. I’ll be at work tomorrow. Make sure my comfy chair is clean and my kullar vali cha is on a coaster.” It’s half-assed. The soldiers and officers who deserted were truly outraged by the government’s action. They didn’t just take their uniforms off, or just refuse to do 1 or 2 missions, but do missions 3, 4, and 5. They were outraged and they deserted.
I don’t know about “great personal turmoil,” but I’m sure it did make for some awkward dinner party moments where he had to explain why he returned the esteemed award. The alternative, to have kept the award in addition to the position in parliament, would have been much worse. Yes, he could have avoided the awkward dinner party moments, but he would have completely alienated Sikhs. As removed as he is from rural Punjab, he has written several books on Sikh History and one on Maharaja Ranjit Singh, so he clearly had the Sikh audience in his mind. And it is often his only redeeming factor in some of the articles he writes that are often factually inaccurate. “Well, he did return that award in 1984.”
I think the rumblings of movements from the younger generations is a sure sign that one day soon something massive is going to take place. And the Armenian Genocide being officially recognized 50 years later really puts things into perspective.
Thank you so much for your very well thought out responses. It’s always wonderful to quibble with you =)
Till next time!
Highly interesting post Mr Dhillon as is the resulting conversation – thank you to you both for sharing. There is so much to comment on what has been said here, but I'm going to choose one small issue: that of the views of your cousin in Punjab. Actually the views of both of your cousins and this view which is seemingly shared by many in Punjab or so I seem to hear all of the time these days. My own colleague at Naujawani.com, Kuki Gill wrote a blog post based around the same sentiments just days ago.
It's strange because these views are wholly alien to the Punjab that I see and have seen over the last 20 years. In my home pinds (including nanke and an adopted place where my cousins farm) I find a range of political support, but always general support for Sant Jarnail Singh. Perhaps this is due to the people I am meeting within this district of Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar (Nawanshehr) who are almost entirely agriculture-based with large extended families who no longer reside in Punjab. But then I’m reminded of the students I met in 2008 at Punjab Agricultural University in Ludhiana who felt bitterly let down by the Shiromani Akali Dal, but to a man would not hear anything negative about those who were at the forefront of struggles post-84 in Punjab as well as in Darbar Sahib during Bluestar. Is this viewpoint evidence of an urban-rural divide? Is it just an urban myth? Or as I suspect, is it that the view most propagated within the mainstream media is the one that your cousin put forward to you “” and that opposing views are rarely given an airing? (Not to suggest you are a party to this propaganda!)
I certainly don’t deny that Sikhs in the west are better informed about what happened in 1984 and in a position where they can protest more vociferously due to the advantages of access to education, social settings and broadband internet. But I also know a lot of my cousins and friends in Punjab would not agree that “N.R.I.s all live in a time warp”! I’d be interested in hearing your views.
P.S. Dominos Pizza is to modernity as X-Factor is to entertainment
P.P.S Dominos is a god send if you're in Punjab for more than a fortnight – have belaati withdrawal! Plus it's better than going to Haveli… that's like going to Pizza Hut in Italy
@Naujawani – Haha, loved the closing messages.
I think Kuki Gill raises a number of issues. The first being about regional difference and experience with the militancy. In the border areas (especially Gurdaspur and Amritsar Districts, there is a wide variety of feelings. Areas around Tarn Taran were the most effected and most infiltrated. Also the memory of Jarnail Singh was especially strong in these areas too.
The memories in the Malwa are very different. In these areas, infiltration was left (so was the influence) and memories are VERY positive. It is in these areas that I have spent most of my time and have rarely heard anyone mutter anything negative about the Sikh vanguard in these regions. In fact the legendary exploits of Gurjant Singh Budhsinghwala are still often told and re-told.
To comment on the rural/urban divide – I think there may be something there that this is exaggerated in order to divide the Sikhs. However, there are still some differences in perception, though it is narrowing fast as most rural youth are finding themselves in urban cities. In this changing scenario, how does one classify the youth? PAU in Ludhiana are usually youth from rural or semi-rural areas. Leave aside Ludhiana for a moment, even in Chandigarh, pictures of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale are becoming more and more common. It doesn't compare to Majha, but try and tell one of the bus or truck drivers to take it down because Jarnail Singh is an 'anti-national.' See how far that gets you! Every community gets to pick its heroes (no it doesn't mean that EVERY single Sikh will see him as a hero and there may be a vociferous opposition, but it is clear that it is a majority of Sikhs).
Hi everybody,
In india nobody has time to think about these matters. Everybody is after money there. Only religion leftover there is Money…. This is fact. Now question is what do we want, we cannot punish the culprits, indian legal and political system is corrupt… I suggest we should look beyond india & 84, I am not asking to forget what happened, neither we can forgive them ( even if we want to ) . I want sikhs allover the world to focus on sikhism. We should be focussing on future,
see how we can propagate sikhism and let the world know what is true sikhism, it will take patience, hardwork & conduct.
So dear friends look at the future………
Sat Sri Akal……..
Raaj, I think this is a bit of an overstatement: "in India, nobody has time to think about these matters." I'm quite sure the widows of 1984 have the time, as does H.S. Phoolka, the civil rights lawyer who has represented (and continues to do so) thousands of Sikhs affected by 1984. He has almost single handedly lead the fight within India for reparations and some form of justice for the victims. You are essentially saying that since we cannot achieve any form of justice within the Indian legal system (not a fact, although it is certainly an uphill battle), we should just forget about this whole silly thing and tell the world about "true" Sikhism, which apparently involves burying our heads in the sand and pretending everything is okie dokie. I agree that we should be focusing on the future, but not by forgetting the past. The two are not mutually exclusive.